By Hongyang Zhao
As economy changes for the better and the implications of a quality education sink in, the number of Chinese international students (CIS) studying in the U.S has been on the rise steadily from around 120,000 in 2010 to a striking 320,000 in 2020 (Martel et al., 2021). When Chinese names start to populate class rosters, the Chinese experience of studying in a new country begs the question: “How well are they doing in an American classroom?”
Past and present studies have approached the issue of “silence” among CIS in American classrooms with a multitude of explanations. A careful literature review suggests that Chinese cultural values, language barriers, and dissonance between the two education systems jointly contribute to CIS’s undesirable acculturation process and academic performance, especially in a discussion-heavy classroom that emphasizes students’ own agency in learning. It would be amiss to deconstruct the experience of CIS without taking into account the socio-cultural context in which they were raised and educated prior to their schooling in the United States. Liu (2002), in her case study of three Chinese graduate students studying at an institution of higher education in the US, found that Chinese students viewed silence as a sign of respect for fellow classmates and teachers because it is expected to defer to your teacher and listen to your classmates before speaking up in Chinese culture. In the same vein, a 2018 study revealed that heritage culture played a significant role in the learning styles and coping mechanisms of CIS because CIS strongly adhered to Chinese cultural values regardless of their physical location (Cao et al., 2018). A further examination indicated that reticence was a valued property in the Chinese culture which puts a premium on listening to others first, passively absorbing knowledge, and thinking twice before asserting oneself (Lu & Han, 2010).
The striking difference between learning styles in China and the US is yet another influencing factor of the self-silencing behaviors among CIS. Studies have found that CIS tended to group with other CIS and present themselves as passive listeners (Cao et al., 2018; Li et al, 2017). It is evident that teachers in China assumed a position of hierarchical authority that denoted the source of knowledge. According to one of the participants in Liu’s 2002 study, students in China are expected to be attentive listeners while teachers serve as the distributor of knowledge whose authority is unquestionable (Liu, 2002). The skewed power dynamics within a teacher-centered environment reward submissiveness on the part of students, which often translates to internalized silence in the classroom.
To see how much personal experiences align with literature findings, I interviewed a friend of mine who was an education major at Boston University. She was assigned a pseudonym for confidentiality.
Carmen was a junior majoring in early childhood education by the time of the interview. Before coming to Boston University, she studied at the international division of a Chinese public high school. She described her schooling experience in China as “stressful” because there were 50 students in her class and, similar to most Chinese public schools, Carmen’s school was highly teacher-centered. Most of her classes were in English except for the test-preparation sessions on TOEFL and the SAT.
When she was asked to describe the differences between her current schooling at Boston University and the previous one in China, Carmen offered several insights worth discussing:
The first difference I witnessed was the absence of banzhuren (班主任: homeroom teachers). Students were treated more like adults. I felt responsible for everything that I did. The professors cared much more about students than my teachers in China. Going to college also means more opportunities and meeting people from all parts of the world.
When asked about how it feels to be a part of a minority group (Chinese international students) here at Boston University, Carmen did not actually feel “minoritized”:
Because there are so many Chinese international students at Boston University, I did not feel like a part of a minority group. There are a lot of Asians who share a lot of commonalities with me. I am actually glad that I can go to a place like BU because I get to see people from different cultures.
After we shifted gears to Class Discussions, Carmen referenced language barriers, her Chinese education background, and personality as the major drivers behind her unwillingness to participate in class discussions. She also recalled that the topics discussed in class were more relevant to American students, who liked to “talk a lot on a given topic”. As a result, although there might be a question to which she was able to answer, Carmen would only offer answers in simple sentences rather than an elaborative explanation. Although the language of instruction at her high school was English, Carmen did not feel confident about explaining complicated concepts or answers in English. In terms of personality, Carmen admitted that she might not be as extroverted as other students because she was too “shy” to speak up. When asked about how her Chinese education background influenced her participation, Carmen maintained that teachers and parents in China “did not give students too much confidence” because teachers and parents should be treated with “reverence” and “submission.” The traditional view of teachers as figures of authority in the Chinese culture also created confusion for her in understanding the responsibilities of students.
However, Carmen did express a preference for small-group discussions over class discussions:
I actually preferred discussing with people in small groups because I felt more comfortable talking with other international students especially Chinese students. However, I would not speak so much with American students. They tended to have a lot to say because the topics were more relatable to them.
As a CIS myself, I resonate with the discussion of silence in terms of cultural values and language barriers. However, aside from the aforementioned factors, the lack of culturally relevant lesson topics predominantly underlies my lack of loquacity. In that, I sometimes find the materials or discussions low in relatability because not too much attention is dedicated to the experience of Asian Americans or Asians in general. I choose to silence myself because I have neither the experience nor the expertise to speak on certain matters that are beyond the scope of my race and culture. It took me a considerable amount of time to reconcile myself with the discussions of racial equity and social justice, which were central to my education philosophy. Therefore, I wonder if the same confusion disoriented my fellow CIS in an attempt to understand the experience of CIS in a more refined and nuanced fashion. The interview confirmed my supposition that I was not alone in feeling constrained not only by my cultural background but also by the discrepancy between Chinese and American education.
In terms of my own teaching practice, both relevant literature and personal experiences provide a glimpse into the issue of silence among CIS and the reasons behind this seemingly problematic phenomenon. The first actionable implication is the practice of culturally responsive teaching, which should not only be taught but also be practiced in the classroom. Specifically, I will include more scaffolding that acknowledges the diverse cultural backgrounds of my students while setting high expectations for them without undermining their agency in learning. Aside from that, I will strive to design a culturally relevant curriculum that acknowledges the struggles of Asians in the United States because according to the interviewee and my own experience, Asians were rarely a part of the discussion on racial equity and social justice. Discussions about the empowerment of Asians are instrumental to the well-being of Asian students especially considering the entrenched myths of ‘model minority’ and ‘perpetual foreigners.’ Ultimately, I will serve as an advocate for minority students and advance the cause of justice-based education. In practice, I will engage in designated events that help incoming international students, not only Chinese students, adapt to the new learning environment and bridge the gap between international and domestic students. I sincerely hope that educational institutions in the United States could strive to acknowledge the impact of cultural identity on students’ schooling experience in order to promote diversity and inclusion.
References
Cao, C., Zhu, C., & Meng, Q. (2018). Chinese International Students’ Coping Strategies, social support resources in response to academic stressors: Does heritage culture or host context matter? Current Psychology, 40(1), 242–252. https://doi.org/10.1007/s12144-018-9929-0
Heng, T. T. (2016). Different is not deficient: Contradicting stereotypes of Chinese international students in US higher education. Studies in Higher Education, 43(1), 22–36. https://doi.org/10.1080/03075079.2016.1152466
Heng, T. T. (2017). Voices of chinese international students in USA colleges: ‘I want to tell them that … .’ Studies in Higher Education, 42(5), 833–850.
Hsieh, Min-Hua. (2007). Challenges for International Students in Higher Education: One Student's Narrated Story of Invisibility and Struggle. College Student Journal, v 41, n2, 379-391.
Li, Z., Heath, M. A., Jackson, A. P., Allen, G. E., Fischer, L., & Chan, P. (2017). Acculturation experiences of Chinese international students who attend American universities. Professional Psychology: Research and Practice, 48(1), 11–21. https://doi.org/10.1037/pro0000117
Liu, J. (2002). Negotiating silence in American classrooms: Three Chinese cases. Language and Intercultural Communication, 2(1), 37–54. https://doi.org/10.1080/14708470208668074
Lu, C., & Han, W. (2010). Why don’t they participate? A self-study of Chinese graduate students’ classroom:involvement in North America. Brock Education Journal, 20(1). https://doi.org/10.26522/brocked.v20i1.147
Martel, M., Mason, L., Baer, J., Andrejko, N., & Nemeth, N. (2021). Open doors 2021: Report on International Educational Exchange. Institute of International Education.
Ross, H., & Chen, Y. (2015). Engaging Chinese international undergraduate students in the American University. Learning and Teaching, 8(3), 13–36. https://doi.org/10.3167/latiss.2015.080302
Zhang-Wu, Q. (2018). Chinese international students’ experiences in American Higher Education Institutes: A critical review of the literature. Journal of International Students, 8(2), 1173–1197. https://doi.org/10.32674/jis.v8i2.139
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